CAIN: Paul Arthur (1974) The People's Democracy 1968-73 - Extracts

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Extracts from 'The People's Democracy 1968-73'
by Paul Arthur (1974)

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1. J C Beckett, 'Northern Ireland' in The Journal of Contemporary History. Vol 6 No 1 1971, p 121.
2. Andrew Boyd, Holy War in Belfast (Anvil Books 1969), p 176.
3. Ibid pp 178-184.
4. F S L Lyons, Ireland Since The Famine (Weidenfeld and Nicholson 1972), pp.687-8
5.Richard Rose, Governing Without Consensus: An Irish Perspective (Faber and Faber, 1971), p 465.
6.Ibid p 465.
7.Cornelius O'Leary, 'The Northern Ireland General Election (1969)' in Verfassung and Verfassungswirklichkeit (Koln und Upladen 1969), p 126.
8. Ibid p 125.
9.Cited in Richard Rose, op cit, pp 448-9.
10.A. J. Milnor. Election and Political Stability (Boston 1969) p 26.
11.Ibid p.30
12.Ibid p 26.
13.J G Beckett, op cit, p 124.
14.F S L Lyons, op cit, pp 692-3.
15. Ibid, p 725.
16.Ibid, p 721.
17. W. D. Birrell, Relative Deprivation As A Factor in Conflict in Non/tern Ireland. p. 4 (A Paper presented at the Conference on Conflict in Northern Ireland, University of Lancaster December 1971). The author based his findings on the 1961 Census and the Ministry of Labour Gazette.
18. See F S L Lyons, op cit, pp 731-2. The whole question of Northern Ireland's financial relations (and problems) with Britain is dealt with in R J Lawrence's
useful book The Government of Northern Ireland: Public Finance and Public Services 1921-1964 (Oxford 1965).
19. Belfast Telegraph. 3.8.1961. I am indebted to John Graham, researcher into the post-1949 Labour movement in Northern Ireland, for this and other information.
20. Richard Rose. op cit, p 306.
21. See Terence O'Neill, Ulster at the Crossroads (Faber and Faber 1969), pp 113-6.
22. Richard Rose, op cit, p 306.
23. Ibid, p 305. See Table x.
24. Ibid, p 306.
25. Louis Gardner, Resurgence of the Majority (a Monday Club Lister Committee pamphlet), pp 10-11.
26.See Andrew Boyd, op cit, pp 179-184 for details.
27 Cornelius O'Leary, op cit, p 126. See also Andrew Boyd, Brian Faulkner and the Crisis of Ulster Unionism (Anvil Books 1972), pp 52 and 58, for Brian Faulkner's role in these revolts.
28.Belfast Telegraph. 22.7.1966. Interview - John Graham.
29. Harvey Cox, Establishing Northern Ireland: Some Features of the Period 1912-25, p 1 (A Paper presented at the Conference on Conflict in Northern Ireland, Lancaster University December 1971).
30.F S L Lyons, op cit, p 729.
31. Richard Rose, 'Discord in Ulster' New Community, Vol 1 No 2, Jan 1972, p 123.
32.Friends of Ireland Group leaflet. January 1946. Interview - John Graham.
33. See, for example, Geoffrey Bing, John BuIlt Other Ireland passim. A Tribune pamphlet, December 1950.
34.Paul B Rose MP, 'The Smashing of the Convention', Irish Times 3.2.1970.
35. For details of this debate see Paul B Rose, op cit.
36. Hansard, 5th series, Vol 727, cols 437-446.
37. Paul B Rose, op cit, 4.2.1970,
38.Owen Dudley Edwards, The Sins of our Fathers: Roots of Conflict in Northern Ireland (Gill and Macmillan 1970), p 246,
39.Martin Wallace, Drums and Guns. Revolution in Ulster (Geoffrey Chapman 1970), p 86,
40.Richard Rose, Discord in Ulster,. p 124.
41. F S L Lyons, op cit, p 732.
42. w D Birrell, op Cit, p 13.
43.Richard Rose, Governing Wirhout Consensus. p 410.
44.William Kornhauser, The Politics of Mass Society (Routledge and Kegan Paul 1965), pp 159-60.
45. John Macrae, Polarisation in Northern Ireland: A Preliminary Report for the Lancaster Peace Research Centre, July 1966, p 14.
46.Why Justice Can Not Be Done. a policy statement issued by the CSJ, nd.
47. Martin wallace, op cit, p 31.
48. O'Neill, op cit, p 152.
49. Gardiner, op cit, p 8.
50. D P Barritt and C F Carter, The Northern Ireland Problem: A Study in Group Relations. (Oxford University Press 1962), p 70.
51. Ibid, pp 90-91.
52. Eric Ashby and Mary Anderson, The Rise of the Student Estate (McMillan 1970), pp 52-4. The authors cite only one example of student protest at Queen's and that was circa 1900.
53. E Wight Bakke, 'Root., and Soil of Student Activism' in S M Lipset (ed), Student Politics (Basic Books, 1967), p 56.
54. S M Lipset and P G Altbach, Student Politics and Higher Education in the United States, in Lipset, op cit. p 243.
55.Richard Rose, Governing Without Consensus. p 419.
56. Jean-Pierre Worms. 'French Student Movement' in S M Lipset, op cit, p 273.
57. S M Lipset and P G Altbach, 'Student Politics and Higher Education in the United States', in S M Lipset (ed), op cit, p 251.
58. Philip G Altbach, 'Students and Politics' in S M Lipset (ed), op cit, p 88.
59. For details of the Cordoba Manifesto see Fred Halliday, Students of the World Unite in Student Power: Problems, Diagnosis, Action, edited by Alexander Cockburn and Robin Blackbum (Penguin Books,1969), p 287 and K N Walker, A Comparison of the University Reform Movements in Argentina and Colombia in S M Lipset, op cit, pp 295-6.
60.Philip G Altbach, Students and Politics in S M Lipset op cit.
61. Ibid. pp 88-9. See also Cockburn and Blackburn, op cit, pp 294-8.
62. Fred Halliday, Students of the World Unite in Cockburn and Blackburn, op cit, p 303.
63. Ibid, p 309.
64. Reflections on the Revolution in France: 1905. ed C Posner (Pelican BooRs 1970), passim.
65. Peter Buckman, The Limits of Protest (Panther Books, 1970), pp 50-51.
66. Ibid, p 49.
67. Richard Flacks. The New Left and American Politics After Ten Year., in The Journal of Social Issues. Vol 27 No 1, 1971, p 24.
68. Andre Gorz, What Are the Lessons of the May Events? in C Posner, op cit, p 260.
69.See Armand L Mauss, On Being Strangled by the Stars and Stripes: The New Left, the Old Left, and the Natural History of American Radical Movements in The Journal of Social Issues, Vol 27 No. 1, 1971. p 192 for a model of the stages of growth through which radical movements pass in the natural history of their careers.
70. Interview, John McGuffin. He had been chairman of QUB Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND) 1964-65 and a member of the University Labour Group. He says that he did not take his politics too seriously until about late 1967 when he considered himself to be an anarchist. He was attracted to the People's Democracy by its libertarian organisation and was to play an active role in its development. At that time he was a lecturer in Liberal Studies at Belfast's College of Technology. One of his colleagues was Michael Farrell,
71.Bernadette Devlin, The Price of My Soul (Pan Books, 1969), p 100.
72.The NILP had been formed in 1949 and was regarded as the chief non-sectarian party in the province. It had never won more than four seats at Stormont and when the civil rights campaign began it had only two MPs. Richard Rose (p 231) has written that it is better understood as an inter-confessional party, ie, an organisation bringing Protestants and Catholics together in pursuit of common interests, but still responsive to religious pressures.'
73.Philip G Altbach, Students and Politics in S M Lipset, op cit, p 89.
74.The Young Socialist Alliance was composed of radicals within the Northern Ireland Labour Party, the Republican Labour Party, the National Democratic Party, and other young people who considered themselves to be socialists. It played a very active role in the People's Democracy in its formative period. Also it is an example of the fusions of radical activists common to the New Left.
75. Gown (undergraduate newspaper, QUB), 22.4.1966.
76. The International Socialists (IS) group was the largest Trotskyist fragment in Britain. For further details see Peter Sedgwick's Varieties of Socialist Thought in Protest and Discontent, edited by B Crick and W A Robson (Penguin, 1970), pp 64-5.
77.Irish Militant (organ of the Irish workers' Group), No 8, November, 1966.
78. Cyril Toman joined the QUB Labour Group in 1963, visited Moscow as its representative in September 1964, edited its magazine Impact in 1965-66 and was Chairman of the Literific Society (Queen's principal debating society) 1965-66. He joined the Willowfield branch of the NILP in 1964, was chairman of the NILP Young Socialists and a member of the Irish Workers' Group.
79. Irish Militant, Vol 2 No 3, March 1967. Later we will see that the principle of an all-Ireland Workers' Republic was to be the end towards which the People's Democracy was directed.
80. Interview, John Graham.
81. Impact (QUB Labour Group Magazine), 1966-7, p 2; and interview, John Graham.
82. Irish Militant, Vol 2 No 4, April 1967.
83. H Diamond MP, Hansard (NI), Vol 67, cols 1878-9, 15.11.1967.
84. Hansard (NI), Vol 67, col 1890.
85. Martin Wallace, Drums and Guns: Revolution in Ulster (Geoffrey Chapman 1970), p 101.
86. Armand L Mauss in The Journal of Social Issues, Vol 27 No 1, 1971, op cit,p 192.
87.Ibid p 193.
88. Liam de Paor, Divided Ulster (Penguin Books 1970), p 166.
89.Ibid, p 168,
90. Eamonn McCann was a contemporary of Farrell, Toman and Egan at University. He was a former Chairman of the QUB Labour Group 1962-3, and editor of its magazine Impact. He had also been Chairman of QUBCND 1963-4, President of the literific 1964-5, Queen's Orator and member of the QUBSRC, He was a member of the NILP, joining its executive in 1969 and had been an active member of the Irish Workers' group and a regular contributor to its newspaper Irish Militant.
91. Disturbances in Northern Ireland: Report of the Commission appointed by the Governor of Northern Ireland. Cmd 532 (hereinafter known as the Cameron Commission), parse 171-2. See also Max Hastings Ulster /969: The Fight for Civil Rights in Northern Ireland (Victor Gollancz, 1970), pp 52-56. It should be remembered that allegations of police brutality were in vogue at the time. This riot occurred less than two months after the Chicago police had reacted violently to an anti-war demonstration outside the Democratic Party's National Conference in that city. The one television crew present in Derry showed its film of the events widely around the world.

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1: October 1968-February 1969

1. Transcript of 60 Minutes, Vol 11 No 2, CBS Television Network, 3,2,1970.
2.P, Jacob and S Landau, The New Radicals (Pelican 1967), p 86.
3. Interview, Cyril Toman.
4.This problem of 'territoriality' was, and is, of the essence of the Northern Ireland problem - to encroach on the other man's territory is seen as a refusal to recognise the status quo. and an attempt to breach the sectarian divide. It was a problem which PD was to probe none too subtly on a number of occasions.
5.The Listener, 24,10,1968. An article, Old Derry's Walls, by Seamus Heaney.
6.Freedom, (newspaper of the London Federation of Anarchists), 19,10,1968.
7.Cameron Commission, para 195.
8. Interview, John Murphy. He was a contemporary of Michael Farrell and the other left-wing activists in the early 1960's. At that stage he considered himself to be a nationalist, but he says that he became a socialist overnight after he had gone to Derry on October 5. His importance in PD lies in his organisational ability and in the fact that he owned a printing business. He had been a committee member of the New Ireland Society 1961-62, the Secretary of the Students' Union 1964-65, founder and first chairman of the 16 Club (an arts society), editor of its magazine, National Democratic Party candidate in the local government elections of May 1967 and in the general election of February 1969. He had participated in some Young Socialist Alliance demonstrations in 1968 but he did not join it formally.
9. D R Schweitzer and James M. Elden, 'New Left As Right. Convergent Themes of Political Discontent,' in The Journal of Social Issues. Vol 27 No 1, 1971, p 145.
10. It should be remembered that five socialists were elected despite the fears of the body of the meeting that one particular political sect might attempt to control the new organisation. There was nothing sinister in this development: most people were concerned to prevent only the better-known activists from being elected.
11. H Blumer cited in The Journal of Social Issues, Vol 27 No 1, 1971, p 193.
12. On the previous evening Capt O'Neill had called for 'proper debate and not a monologue' (Belfast Telegraph 31.10.1968).
13. Irish News 21.10.1968. This statement is in stark contrast to her interview with the CBS programme, 60 Minutes.
14. The Times. 12.10.1968.
15. The MPs who signed consisted of six Nationalists, two Republican Labour, two NILP, one Liberal and one Unionist, Mr. Phelim O'Neill (North Antrim).
16. As far as I can ascertain this is the only successful example of a student sit-in inside a parliamentary building in the Western liberal-democratic countries.
17. This was the most serious incident in which PD was involved in a violent situation with the police during this early period. It is in sharp contrast with, for example, a battle between 4,000 students and police in Rome in March 1968 when hundreds were arrested (see A Cockburn and R. Blackburn, op cit, pp 305-6) or a battle between students and police in Paris on May 3, 1968, when 596 were arrested (see C Posner, op nit, p 65).
18. Richard Rose, Governing Without Consensus. p 159. (In so far as it avoided university issues completely, PD seems to be unique in the Western World. The literature does not mention any other student movement so totally absorbed in soctetal, as opposed to ect,dialusc. issues).
19. Armand L Mauss, in The Journal of Social Issues,. Vol 27 No 1, 1971, op cit, p 193.
20. Interview, John Hume. He was MP for the Foyle division of Derry and one-time vice-chairman of the Derry Citizens Action Committee.
21.The Revolutionary Socialist Students Federation, an extreme and very small left-wing splinter group whose primary aim was radical reform of the University structure. At no time was it an influential group within PD.
22.For details of 5D5 see Jacobs and Landau, The New Radicals. op nit, pp 36-51,
23.P Buckman, The Limits of Protest, op nit, p 29.
24N L Nieburg, Violence, law and the informal polity, in Conflict Resolution, Vol 13 No 2, p 204.
25.See O'Neill, op cit, pp 140-6.
26. The Young Socialist Alliance lay dormant during the early months of PD's existence. It held regular meetings but, since its members belonged to PD, did not promote any demonstrations of its own. Its role appears to have been that of a left-wing lever on PD decisions.
27. Interview, Cyril Toman,
28. Interview, John Hume.
29. Interview, Kevin Boyle. He was a lecturer in law in Queen's at this time. He had been one of Farrell's contemporaries, but had not been a member of any political group - unless one accepts his tenure in the Marxist Society for a very short period in 1967. He had been interested in the Working Committee on Civil Rights in Northern Ireland in 1964 but had not been asked to join it. He had been a founder member of the NICRA and had been on its first executive,
30. Cameron Commission, para 61
31.Interview, Kevin Boyle.
32.Interview, Miss Bernadette Devlin MP.
33. Irish Times, 6.10.1971. This fact appeared in an article by Eamonn McCann giving a personal view of the civil rights campaign, but I can find no contemporary report of the dissolution of the YSA.
34. Interview, Michael Farrell.
35.Bernadette Devlin, The Price of My Soul. pp 121-123.
36.Sunday News, 29.12.1968 and Irish Times. 1.1.1969. Miss Murnaghan felt that, 'This march could be a test of our progress towards maturity.'
37.Interview, Michael Farrell.
38. Bernadette Devlin, op cit, p 120.
39. Eoin Sweeney, Threshold. No 23, Summer 1970, p 21.
40. Fred Halliday, Students of the World Unite'. in A Cockburn and R Blackburn, Student Power. p 297.
41. Robert Moss, Urban Guerrillas (Temple Smith London 1972), pp 214-5.
42. There is no reason to detail the incidents which occurred during the march. This ground is very adequately covered in Burntollet (LRS Publishers 1969) by Bowes Egan and vincent McCormack.
43. Cameron Commission. pars 100.
44.Eoin Sweeney, op cit, p 38.
45. Peter Buckman, The Limits of Protest, p 23.
46. P G Altbach, Student Politics, (ed S M Lipset), p 88,
47. Interview, Kevin Boyle.
48. Interview, Michael Farrell.
49. C Posner (ed), Reflections on the Revolution in France: 1968. p 96.
50. Interview, Cyril Toman.
51. R D Scott, Ulster in Perspective: The Relevance of Non-European Experience in Australian Outlook, xxiii, 3, December 1969, p 254.
52. Michael Farrell, Struggle in the North (a PD pamphlet), p 12.
53. Interview, John Hume MP.
54. Interview, Kevin Boyle.
55. The Times, 12.1.1969, A quote from Capt Long, Minister of Home Affairs,
56. Five to be precise: Fergus Woods was the only candidate who had not been involved in politics during his undergraduate days.
57.Cromac, Mid-Armagh, Banneide, South Derry, Enniskillen and Lisnaskea.
58.South Down and South Fermanagh.
59. South Down, South Fermanagh and South Derry.
60. Cromac, Mid-Armagh, Banneide, Enniskillen and Lisnaskea.
61. Interview, Kevin Boyle.
62.PD Press Release. See Appendix A.
63.See Appendix C.
64.Ibid. No 5.
65.Irish Press, 14.2.1969. Of course, Farrell's reply was misleading, One has only to examine his pamphlet Struggle in the North to detect the reverence he reserves for the ideas of another dead man, James Connolly.
66. See Appendix B.
67. Irish Independent, 14.2.1969, On nomination day the candidate's papers were declared invalid and Mr R O'Connor (Nationalist) was returned unopposed.
68. Michael Farrell, op cit, p 13.
69.See Appendices D and E.
70. Bernadette Devlin, op cit, p 152.
71.Foyle (John flume MP), Mid-Derry (Ivan Cooper MP), and South Armagh (P OHanlon MP).
72. Interview, Miss Bernadette Deviin MP.
73.Interview, Fergus Woods.
74.Bernadette Devlin, op cit, p 152.
75.Interview, John McGuffin.
76. Owen Dudley Edwards, op cit, p 267.
77. Armand L Mauss, in The Journal of Social Issues, Vol 27 No 1, 1971, p 194.
78. Among other things it attempted to make sit-downs illegal; attempted to increase by forty-eight hours the notice which marchers had to give to the police before holding a procession; and made the holding of counter-demonstrations illegal.

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2: March 1969 - Sepember 1969

1. Financial Times, 20.2.1969.
2. Russell Stetler, The Battle of Bogside: the politics of violence in Northern Ireland (Sheed and Ward 1970), p 48.
3. The Baillie Report as it came to be called was made available to the Ministry of Home Affairs in May, and to the Cameron Commission but it was never made public, Both County Inspector Baillie and the Cameron Commission accepted that a grave breakdown in discipline on the part of a number of policemen had occurred on the night of January 4/5. See Cameron Commission, para 177.
4. See Appendix F for an example of probably the most important political statement broadcast by Radio Free Derry.
5. Interview in New Left Review No 55 May-June 1969. 'People's Democracy: A Discussion on Strategy'. The interview took place on April 20, 1969,
6. A London based Trotekyite organisation.
7. International, Vol 2 No 5, May 1969.
8. The Struggle in Ireland. RSSF special paper, May 1,1969.
9. New left Review op cit p 1.
10. S M Lipset and P G Altbach. Student Politics and Higher Education in the United States, in Student Politics, (ed S M Lipset), pp 239-40.
11. New Left Review, op cit p19.
12. The best example of this type of smear occurs in the Daily Mail, 11 and 12.9.1969, How world revolutionaries took the lead in Ulster's Civil Rights Struggle: The Professionals Behind the Barricades. See also Cameron Commission. para 197.
13. Peter Buckman, The Limits of Protest. pp 209-210.
14. Irish Militant. Vol 2 No 3, March 1967.
15. The Struggle in Ireland, op cit, p 4.
16.Interview, John McGuffin.
17.Freedom 8.3.1969.
18.Such a group was the Socialist Society from the University of Bristol. See its magazine, Offensive 1,5.1969, pp 3-4, for an account of the march.
19.Philip Pettit (ed) The Gentle Revolution: Crisis in the Universities (Sceptor Books, Dublin 1969) p 65.
20. Irish Independent. 1.4.1969. The previous day O'Neill's leadership had been endorsed by the Ulster Unionist Council by 338 votes to 263.
21. A group of radical students at University College, Dublin, committed to radical reform of the university structure in particular and of society in general.
22.Sunday Press, 6.4.1969. Statement by John Feeney.
23. The attitude of the Dublin correspondent of the Sttndctr Ness (13.4.1969) is fairly typical: 'Their performance can only be described as a pathetic failure to enlist sympathy and support from Southern people in the campaign for Civil Rights
The stone throwing, name calling confrontation between rival Northern and Southern demonstrators outside the British Embassy in Dublin brought the affair down to the level of back street schoolboy "war".'
24. Interview, John McGuffin.
25. Interview, Fergus Woods.
26. Interview, John McGuffin.
27. Freedom, 19,4,1969.
28. Mid-Ulster By-Election Result, 17.4.1969:
Miss Bernadette Devlin (Unity) - -
Mrs Anna Forrest (Unionist)    - -
169 spoiled votes; 91.78% poll
29. Bernadette Devlin, op cit, pp 159-170,
30. J Bowyer Bell, The Secret Army: A History of the IRA 1916-70 (Anthony Blond 1970), p 360.
31. Bernadette Devlin, op cit, p 170
32. Mr Roderick O'Connor MP spoke on her platform in Omagh and in Pomeroy, where Mr Tom Gormley MP spoke. In Strabane Mr Austin Currie MP spoke on her behalf.
33. The People's Democracy . . . From a Working Class Viewpoing (An Irish Communist Organisation pamphlet), May 1970, p 8. The ICO are a 'Stalinist' group which believes that there has been the historical evolution of two national communities in Ireland, that the Ulster Protestant community must be recognised as having distinct national rights, and is therefore entitled to remain with the United Kingdom if it so wishes, There is no evidence that it was a particularly active group. Its significance lies in its impressive literary output of pamphlets, its diligent research, and in its success in having its views discussed seriously across the political spectrum.
34.Interview in Gown 3.3.1970.
35.Interview, Miss Bernadette Devlin MP.
36.Bernadette Devlin, op cit, pp 165-6.
37. Interview, Miss Bernadette Devlin MP.
38. Interview, John McGuffin.
39. See, for example, an article on the SDS, the German Socialist Student Union, in Survey: A Journal of Soviet and East European Studies. No 67, April 1968. Germany's Student Revolt by Harold Hurwitz, p.93.
40,Owen Dudley Edwards, op cit, p 284.
41. See Appendix G.
42. Hansard (NI), Vol 73, col 1396. See the remarks of Mr J Burns MP (North Derry).
43. Appendix H.
44. Interview, Kevin Boyle.
45. Hansard (NI), Vol 73, cols 2043-2046.
46. Peter Cosgrove was a contemporary of Farrell, McCann, et al, a former committee member of QUB Labour Group hnd a contributor to its magazine Impact. He became active in PD when he returned from zambia, where he had been teaching, in December 1968 and stood as its candidate in South Fermanagh. In common with Bernadette Devlin, he remained in his constituency and helped to build up the Fermanagh PD, After the serious rioting in August he returned to Belfast and worked behind the barricades. A few months later he returned to zambia.
47. The list included three defeated PD candidates at the last election - Peter Coagrove, Malachy Carey and Cyril Toman.
48. Interview, Kevin Boyle.
49. On a Catholic housing estate on the outskirts of Enniskilien a van was burned, barricades were erected temporarily and slogans had been painted on the road warning 'Paisleyites Keep Out'. Irish Independent. 28.7.1969.
50. See Appendix I.
51.Interview, Fergus Woods. See also Violence and Civil Disturbances in Northern Ireland in 1969: The Scarman Tribunal. cmd 566, Vol 1, paras 6.5 to 6.12.
52. Interview, Michael Farrell, See Appendix J.
53. 'If Mr. Porter does not agree to our plans these meetings will force him to take many police out of Derry.' Kevin Boyle quoted in the Belfast Telegraph, 13.8,1969
54. J Bowyer Bell, op cit, p 366.
55. Reporters did not have easy access to the area and very few broad pictures emerge besides the information passed on at CCDC press conferences, An exception is Free Belfast by Martin Lindsay in the Belfast Telegraph. 8,9,1969.
56. Interview, Michael Farrell.
57. Michael Farrell, op dl, p 17.
58. New Left Review No 55, May/June 1969, pp 11-13.
59. Interview, John Murphy.
60. Interview, Fergus Woods.
61. I have managed to read those transcripts salvaged from the area but since some of them may be libellous, they must be referred to sparingly.
62. It became the official organ of PD from October 1969,
63. Appendix K, This is a fairly typical example of Radio Free Belfast's political line,
64. Irish Communist Organisation pamphlet, op cit, p 14.
65. Interview, Fergus Woods.
66. Interview, Fergus Woods.
67. Interview, Michael Farrell.
68. Irish Times. 7.10.1971. Letter from Cyril Toman.
69. Interview, Fergus Woods.
70. Idiot International. August 1970. Interview, John McGuffin.
71. Armand L Mauss, in The Journal of Social Issues. Vol 27, No 1,1971, p 194.
72. Bob Overy, A Pacifist Perspective On The Civil Rights Movement p 7. A Paper presented at The Conference On Northern Ireland. Lancaster University, December 1971.
73. See, in particular, Jean-Pierre Vigier, The Action Committees. pp 199-212. In Reflections on the Revolution in France: 1968 (ed C Posner).

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1. Michael Farrell, Struggle in the North, p 11.
2. See Appendix O.
3. S M Lipset, op cit, p 20,
4. Frank Parkin, Adolescent Status and Student Politics, p 149, in The Journal of Contemporary History, Vol 5 No 1, 1970.
5. Stephen Hatch, From CND to newest Left, p 126 in Anarchy and Culture (D Martin ed), Routledge and Kegan Paul 1969.
6. Survey, No 67, April 1969. Germany's Student Revolt. p 98.
7. See Appendix P.
8. Compare it with, say, France 212,737 square miles - another country where student activists were prominent.
9. F S L Lyons, op cit, p 746.
10. 16 ed, p 746.
11 New Statesman 3.1.1969, Conflict in Ulster by A Cockburn.
12. P Pettit (ed), The Gentle Revolution. passim.
13. Philip G Altbach, Students and Politics, in Student Politics, (S M Lipset ed), pp 87-8.
14. Owen Dudley Edwards, op cit. pp 258-9.
15.Talcott Parsons, The Place of Force in the Social Process, p 66 in Internal War: Problems and Approaches. H Eckstein (ed) (New York 1963).
16. Bernard Crick, Protest and Discontent. p xi.
17. Irish Times. 6.10.1971.
18. Philip Abrams, Rites de Passage: The Conflict of Generations in Industrial Society in Journal of Contemporary History. Vol 5 No I , 1970, p 179.
19.One cannot be more precise at this stage. In two interviews it became clear to me that Kevin Boyle had made an intellectual commitment to Marxism, and having made that commitment he was developing it through experience in action. Because he had not entered PD with a well-tested ideology he tended to be more thoughtful - and thus more critical - of actions which were being undertaken. He did not see the Northern Ireland situation simply as a microcosm of the world situation, a mistake made by some PD ideologues.
20. The formation of the Socialist Labour Alliance on March 15, 1971, was a continuation of that policy.
21.Irish News, 23.4.1969. A statement by Michael Farrell condemning petrol-bombing in the Falls Road.
22. George Z F Bereday, Student Unrest on Four Continents: Montreal, Ibadan, Warsaw and Rangoon. pp 102-3 in Student Politics, S M Lipset (ed).
23. Peter Buckman, op cit, p 50.
24. Interview, Michael Farrell.

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